Towards a Sustainable Solution to the Anglophone Problem in Cameroon

High school students in Mankon, Bamenda, Cameroon, an Anglophone speaking region that has protested against the Francophone majority. Photo courtesy of Alberto Vaccaro via Flickr Commons. 

The immediate future of Cameroon is fraught with uncertainties. On October 1, 2017, during rallies marked by calls for a secession from French-speaking Cameroon, dozens of people were killed by security forces in the two Anglophone regions of Northwest and Southwest Cameroon. Besides Boko Haram in the North, the resurgence of the Anglophone Problem in the Western regions is the single biggest threat to the unity and stability of Cameroon today. This is especially concerning as the country braces for a challenging electoral year in 2018 amidst calls for President Paul Biya to step down after 35 years in power. The ongoing resurgence of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon requires immediate international attention. The stability of Cameroon is of crucial importance not only for the sub-region of Central Africa, but also for the fight against terrorism in the entire region. The ruling regime's poor management (repressive approach) of the ongoing crisis is largely responsible for the escalations in recent months. The way forward to a sustainable solution lies in an inclusive, mediated dialogue geared toward institutional reforms and the promotion of local governance, not only in Anglophone regions but also in the whole country.

The Anglophone crisis has historical roots worth recalling briefly. Kamerun was a German protectorate from 1884 until the end of World World I, when Germany lost it to France and Great Britain. The new colonial masters unevenly divided the territory into two parts. The British territory was administered from Nigeria, with a fair amount of autonomy thanks to the indirect rule policy. The French applied their traditional and assimilationist approach, leading to a very centralized form of governance. The French territory achieved independence on January 1 1960, becoming La République du Cameroun. The Southern part of the British Cameroon, known then as Southern Cameroons, unlike their counterpart of Northern Cameroons, "chose" by referendum on February 11, 1961 not to stay with Nigeria but to reunite with Cameroon to form a federal state. After some negotiations in July 1961, the Constitution of the future federal state was adopted in August 1961, and promulgated in September 1961. The stage was set for the birth of the Federal State of Cameroon on October 1, 1961, which reunited two pieces of the former German Kamerun, both with very different political cultures.

From Frustration to Escalation to Radicalization

Three major postcolonial governance policies have contributed to the recurrence of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon: the forceful unification of the country, the centralization of the power structure, and the assimilation drift. Indeed, the current situation is mainly the result of the cumulative effect of these policies consistently enacted by the two francophone presidents Cameroon has known since independence in 1960. These policies culminated in the suppression, following a referendum of the federal system in 1972 in favor of the United Republic of Cameroon, which later changed to the Republic of Cameroon in 1984.[1]

Besides, since the advent of the unitary state in 1972, Anglophones have resisted several policies of assimilation targeting their educational and legal systems. It is no surprise that the current crisis started in October 2016 with protests by Anglophone lawyers followed by a major teacher unions' strikes due to the neglect of their Anglo-Saxon systems of justice and education. Mr. Biya's regime responded first with a dismissal of these claims, followed by repressive measures involving the violation of human rights by security forces. Moreover, failed attempts to negotiate with the major consortium of Anglophone civil society organizations turned into a crackdown on some prominent Anglophones elites suspected of fueling the resistance (a number of whom were arrested and transported to Yaoundé to stand trial under the law against terrorism.) Biya's repressive measures went as far as depriving the Anglophone regions of internet for three months. Following some international advocacy, most of the main leaders of the contestation were released on presidential request on August 31, 2017. But these appeasement measures have not diffused the tension. In the last few months, the conflict has taken a guerilla turn, leading to more repressive responses from the government.

The repression has radicalized the movement in spite of some reforms meant to address the demands of unions and attempts for dialogue. It has also awakened the collective consciousness of the Anglophones as a persecuted minority and  given political visibility to the growing secessionist wing now deploying guerilla strategies in the region. Under the name, "The Republic of Ambazonia," they now have a flag, constitution, national anthem, president, a government, and even a broadcasting corporation established abroad. In fact, since the restoration of multipartyism in the early 1990s, several Anglophone political parties and movements have called for the return of the two-state federal systems, or for secession. Now, moderate voices who are advocating a return to federalism are rapidly losing ground to the separatists. Francophones have not joined in the protests, and the growing feeling of isolation of Anglophones has led to a strong polarization of the Cameroonian society, with extremists on both sides.

Policy Orientations: Mediation as Preventive Diplomacy

The ongoing crisis in Cameroon has attracted international attention, although an international response has not been coordinated. A number of countries and international organizations have issued statements calling for dialogue, respect for human rights, and for the territorial integrity of Cameroon. These include, among others, the United States, the United Nations Center for Human Rights and Democracy in Central Africa, and The African Union Commission. More recently, the Secretary General of the UN reiterated the need for dialogue and offered mediation. However, the following considerations remain important:

• Necessity for international mediation: At this stage of the crisis, the ruling regime is no longer a credible dialogue partner for the Anglophones regions. The international community, both at the continental and United Nations level, should consider mediating between the Anglophone regions and the ruling regime.
• Necessity for national dialogue before next elections: In the current political climate, dominated by the Anglophone Problem, it is difficult to envision a fair electoral process in 2018. Before the next elections, Cameroonians need to agree on the reforms required for a free and fair electoral process for the sake of peace. International mediation could push for the postponing of general elections and an inclusive national dialogue to address the problems.
• Necessity for decentralizing the governance structure: The decentralization of the governance structure is enshrined in the Constitution of Cameroon, but its implementation has never ranked high among the priorities of the ruling regime. International mediation should consider pushing for the decentralization of the governing structure to promote local governance and empower local populations. This could take the form of a federal state, if Cameroonians so decide through a fair process of dialogue.
• Necessity of regime change: The length of the Mr. Biya's regime (35 years) and the resulting governance issues are part of the problem. The solution could be for him to step down at the end of this term to allow for the renewal of the political landscape, through free and fair general elections. Any attempt at another term will only exacerbate frustrations, creating an environment conducive to violence. Both the international mediation and the national dialogue should consider addressing the modalities of his retreat from power.

[1.] Piet Konings and Francis Nyamnjoh, "The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon", The Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. 35, no.2 (1997), pp. 207-229.

Dr. Ludovic Lado is a Visiting Scholar for Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service. He was a former Southern Voices Scholar Network for Peacebuilding Scholar in Spring 2014.