Africa Up Close

An officer of the Republic of South Sudan holds the nation’s flag during the historic Independence Ceremony. Photo courtesy of the United Nations. 

President Salva Kiir of South Sudan and rebel leader Riek Machar signed a preliminary power-sharing agreement on August 5, 2018. The deal, which returned Machar to his position as the First Vice-President, was the latest of multiple ceasefire and peace agreements in the country.

Maputo, Mozambique. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia Commons. 

One year ago today, Mozambique experienced an attack by Islamist extremists, the first of its kind, when as many as 30 men stormed several police stations in the coastal town of Mocímboa da Praia in the Northern province of Cabo Delgado. An ominously familiar pattern has set in since. Incidents have increased, becoming more widespread and brutal with time. In the last twelve months, several dozen attacks have targeted civilians as well as state actors across the North. The violence has forced thousands of Mozambicans to flee, after homes and villages have been burned to the ground, and hundreds have been injured or killed, including adults and children beheaded by machete. Some government reactions have been heavy-handed, with the president promising a “firm and ruthless” campaign against terrorism, police have arrested hundreds, and this week trials began for 180 individuals held in association with the attacks. The military bombed by air and sea a village suspected of harboring terrorists, killing some 50 citizens, and abuse by security personnel sent North to stop the attacks is reportedly widespread. The experts, meanwhile, have warned against repression and advocated for ‘soft measures,’ to little discernable effect. The sum total is discouraging. One observer recently compared Northern Mozambique to Northeastern Nigeria at the beginning of the Boko Haram uprising.

Children in an IDP Camp in Juba, South Sudan. Photo courtesy of the United Nations via Flickr Commons.

Grievances are often cited as the cause of most civil wars and other forms of conflict. A grievance is a real or a perceived cause for resentment or complaint. It is a feeling of resentment over something wrong or believed to be wrong or unfair. Injustice, marginalization, discrimination, and exclusion are common forms of grievances. Grievances can lead to wars or violent conflicts when left unsettled. Over the last decade, a debate has emerged in development economics and conflict studies linking both greed and grievances to most civil wars.[1]

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Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and H.E. President Isaias Afwerki signing the joint peace agreement. Photo courtesy via Wikipedia Commons.

Reconciliation and the Way Forward

Following the decision passed by the executive committee of the ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopia’s new reformist Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, announced that Ethiopia would accept the 2002 United Nations backed border demarcation, paving the way for peace between the two nations. Dr. Abiy Ahmed then paid a historic visit in July to Eritrea, during which he and President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea signed a declaration ending 20 years of hostility and restoring diplomatic relations and normal ties between the countries. President Isaias Afwerki reciprocated with a state visit to Ethiopia just days later.

African youth learn how to build a community center in North Darfur. Photo courtesy of UNAMID via Flickr commons. 

Youth, broadly defined as persons between the ages of 15-35 by the African Union, constitute one-third of the population in Africa. Roughly half of the populations of Nigeria, Egypt, Tunisia, and Kenya are youth. The ten countries in the world with the biggest youth populations are in Africa. However, a large youth population is a double-edged sword in many ways. One example—if the pipeline into labor force participation includes quality education and good employment prospects, youth are likely to contribute to national and continental development. However, when met with an environment infertile for personal and career development, a youth bulge can quickly become a source of instability.

Former President of The Gambia, Yahya Jammeh, speaks at the United Nations General Assembly. (Photo via Flickr Commons)

Introduction: The Launch of a Campaign

On May 16, 2018, a group of Ghanaian civil society organizations (CSOs)[i] launched a campaign requesting the Government of Ghana to seek the extradition of Yahya Jammeh, the former president of The Gambia, to face justice in Ghana for the 2005 massacre of 44 Ghanaian migrants in The Gambia. The campaign, “Jammeh2JusticeGhana,” has the primary objective of persuading the Government of Ghana to extradite Yahya Jammeh’s from Equatorial Guinea in order to prosecute him in Ghana. This campaign is a part of a larger effort to seek accountability for Jammeh’s alleged crimes and human rights violations. The launch of this campaign, hosted by the Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana), follows a wider campaign effort by The Gambia Center for Victims of Human Rights Violations and other local and international human rights organizations[ii] to ensure that Jammeh and members of his regime are brought to trial in a court of competent jurisdiction.

A student working on carpentry at Nyanza Vocational training center in Southern Rwanda. Photo courtesy of Graham Holliday via Flickr Commons. 

Education and training for productive employment is an important tool for economic growth and development. Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET)—an aspect of the educational process—is viewed as a tool for productivity enhancement towards achieving economic growth. TVET focuses on practical applications of skills learned, and are intended to prepare trainees to become effective professionals in a specific vocation. It also equips trainees with a broad range of knowledge, skills, and attitudes that are indispensable for meaningful participation in work and life.

Orange democratic movement supporters in Kenya. Photo courtesy of DEMOSH via Flickr Commons. 

Politics is indeed a tricky affair judging from the recent “Golden Handshake” between political giants and arch-rivals, with Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga marking the end of the prolonged electoral crisis in the country. The newfound friendship has rebounded the stock exchange, revamped tourism, and excited foreign investors who are now optimistic of rainy days ahead.[1]  However, will the gesture provide an impetus for the much-needed constitutional democracy, and guarantee civil rights and liberties in a way that will lead Kenyans to Canaan?[2]

Youth technology training in South Africa. Photo courtesy of Beyond Access via Flickr Commons.  

Africa, in general, is a very young continent. About 40 percent of the population is below 15 years of age, and an additional 30 percent fall between 15-24 years. This demographic profile presents a unique opportunity to achieve massive socio-economic transformation through harnessing the Demographic Dividend (DD). The Demographic Dividend is the economic benefit that arises following a significant increase in the ratio of the working-age population relative to dependents (children and the elderly), in the workforce.

Police forces present on the streets of Nairobi during election violence. Photo courtesy of DEMOSH via Flickr Commons.

Election-related violence has been a growing trend in African countries since the wave of democracy that swept across the continent in 1990s. The 1992 election in Angola led to a 10-year civil war in the country that resulted in thousands of deaths. Following the 2005 election in Ethiopia, election-related violence led to about 200 deaths. In Kenya, the 2007/2008 election left about 1500 people dead. The 2010 presidential election in Ivory Coast recorded about 3000 deaths. Following the commencement of the fourth republic, after a protracted military rule in Nigeria, most of the elections held in the country have been characterized by violence, and thousands of people have died in election-related violence. The Human Rights Watch recorded that more than 800 people died during the 2011 election violence in Nigeria. Similar trends have been recorded in Sudan, Sierra Leone, Senegal, Gambia, Rwanda, Ghana, Liberia, Zimbabwe, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and in others, where thousands of people have been killed and properties damaged following election violence. This trend is a threat to the survival of democracy and human security on the continent, and there is an urgent need to address it.